Strategic Panorama Published by the National Institute for Strategic Studies the Strategic Panorama is an academic specialized publication in political sciences en-US (Oleksandra Liashenko) Thu, 28 Mar 2019 12:28:25 +0200 OJS 60 ACADEMIC INTEGRITY AS A POLITICAL, LEGAL AND ETHICAL PROBLEM <p>In November 2018 The National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (NASU) celebrated the 100-year anniversary. However, there is not time for triumph. The number of collaborators involved in the scientific research, according to government statistics, decreased by almost a third during the 2014–2017 period, expenditures on scientific research (in the calculation of percentages from to GDP) for the same period fell fourfold.Demographic problems and increase of labor migration have led to difficulties with the recruitment of students, resulting in poor school readiness, school graduates want to study “prestigious professions”, compromising these professions themselves. This processes of studying at a high school often acquires the character of imitation.One more painful problem is the reduction of the level of master’s, candidate’s and doctoral dissertations on the background of a decrease in the number of successful defense of these theses. That is, many post-graduate students use post-graduate (doctoral) courses counterproductively, without completing their preparation of competitive scientific work. The generally recognized “disease” of a national high school is its weak link with various labor markets and scientific researches. The same problems, only in other versions and variations, relate to Ukrainian “great science”. The main reasons for academic integrity and academic disintegrity can be differentiated into the following categories: worldview; morally-ethical; religious; philosophical and methodological; political; legal; social; technical-technological.In this article the main philosophical and methodological aspect of educational and scientific integrity is analyzed, the crisis of which can be largely explained by the relativism of the postmodern worldview.&nbsp;There are underlined demarcations between different aspects of solving this complex problem: philosophical, ideological, moral, legal, administrative etc.</p> M. Ozhevan ##submission.copyrightStatement## Fri, 29 Mar 2019 13:54:28 +0200 DEVELOPING A NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY BASED ON THE PRINCIPLES OF NATIONAL RESILIENCE <p><strong>The article</strong> explores the methodological principles of the national security strategy development and the ways of their improvement in order to more effectively respond to modern challenges, threats and changes in the security environment. Author proves the necessity of further development of the theoretical foundations of national security taking into account the concept of national resilience. The role of the national security strategy in the system of medium and long-term planning in the field of national security is determined. The evolution of the Strategy of National Security of Ukraine since the adoption of its first edition is researched. Recommendations on preparation of a new edition of the National Security Strategy of Ukraine in accordance with the requirements of the Law of Ukraine "On National Security of Ukraine" are developed. The principles of ensuring national resilience are determined. The most important of them are comprehensive approach, collaboration, awareness, continuity, preparedness, and communications. The introduction of these principles allows to modernize the system of ensuring national security in order to adapt it to the rapid changes of the modern security environment and the impact of threats of the hybrid type. Author proves that there is no reason to talk about replacing the system of ensuring national security with the system of ensuring national resilience. As well there is no need for the parallel operation of the both systems. It is more rational to ensure national security on the principles of national resilience, since it can cause a&nbsp;synergistic effect in the form of new qualitiesof the national security system. At&nbsp;the same time, it allows to improve the effectiveness of counteracting modern threats and challenges, as well as rational use of limited state resourcessignificantly. It is proved that the key principles of building national resilience should be reflected in the new strategic documents of the state, first of all, in the National Security Strategy of Ukraine.</p> <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> O. Reznikova ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 PREPARATION OF ANALYZES OF STRATEGIC LEVEL AS A PRIORITY FOR THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE SECURITY PROFESSIONAL <p><strong>The article </strong>deals with a set of issues related to the improvement of information and analytical support for processes of making strategic decisions in the interests of the development of the Security and Defense Sector and enhancing the effectiveness of its functioning. The state, approaches and actuality of staffing by strategic level analysts for the security and defense sector are analyzed. The&nbsp;article is dedicated to defining the place of strategic analysis and forecasting of the security environment in the development of such national security important documents as the National Security Strategy, the Strategy of Military Security of Ukraine, the Strategy of Public Security and Civil Protection of Ukraine, the&nbsp;Strategy of Development of the Defense Industrial Complex of Ukraine, the&nbsp;Cybersecurity Strategy of Ukraine, the National Intelligence Program, Strategic Defense Bulletin, etc. The qualification requirements for strategic level analysts are formulated, and the most important characteristics of strategic analysts of the security and defense sector and the possible ways of their education and training are determined. It is substantiated that the priority way of improving the staffing of the Security and Defense Sector may be the initiating of the Master of Science program in Strategic Analysis and Forecasting in the Security and Defense Sector. Solving this problem requires identifying the needs for specialists, developing qualification requirements for them, licensing the master's program and ensuring the proper quality of higher education. In aggregate, this will ensure not only the growth of the quality of strategic analysis and forecast, but also improve the quality of strategic planning processes and, as a consequence, the efficiency of investing national resources.</p> A. Semenchenko, Y. Punda ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 FOREGN POLICY STRATEGY OF RUSSIA WITH RESPECT TO POST SOVIET COUNTRIES AS IMPLEMENTATION OF THE "NEW DOCTRINE OF LIMITED SOVEREIGNTY" <p><strong>The article</strong> analyzes the principles and practical implications of the implementation of the current foreign policy of the Russian Federation (RF) regarding the post-Soviet countries, first of all in relation to Ukraine, since the beginning of armed aggression against our state. On the basis of the analysis of the fundamental domestic military-political legal and regulatory documents of the RF, adopted in recent years, as well as the public statements of the Russian leadership, it was concluded that the new foreign policy strategy has been established by the Kremlin regime as well as corresponding to it its foreign policy doctrine. This doctrine could be called "the new doctrine of limited sovereignty", or "the doctrine of Putin," the main element of which is the restoration of the concept of "limited sovereignty", which, during the Cold War, was a major component of the so-called "Brezhnev Doctrine"&nbsp;– the Soviet Union foreign policy doctrine regarding the countries of the "peoples’ democracy". The preconditions are analyzed and the main provisions and characteristics of "Putin’s doctrine" are formulated. On the basis of existing documents of international law it is proved that Russia’s political and military activity in the last four and a half years on the territory of Ukraine is aggression against the latter, and the Russian Federation itself is an aggressor country and falls under the definition of the well-known western concept of "rogue states", which is widely used in contemporary international politics and political science. Issues of changes in the world order from the Westphalia system of international relations of 1648 and the successive seven its modifications that have taken place to date have also been considered. An important characteristic of the modifications of the Westphalia system mentioned in the article is the notion of "state sovereignty", which is also modified accordingly, depending on changes in the world order.</p> I. Lossovskyi ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 CONTENTS AND MAIN PROSPECTS OF RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH PROPAGANDA IN THE CONTEXT OF THE HYBRID WAR BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE <p><strong>In the article</strong> analyzed the peculiarities of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) the propaganda as one of the most effective instruments of conducting the hybrid war between Russia and Ukraine. The conditions of church and state relations in realization of the imperial internal and foreign policy of the Russian authority are highlighted. Substantiation of the ideological content of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (RF) in the context of religious activity is presented. The analysis of the essence of the ROC propaganda methods on the informational space of Ukraine during the hybrid war was carried out due to the popularization of the ideas of “russkiy mir”. The methods to which Russian political power resorts for interaction and control of religious propaganda at the foreign state is singled out. The efficiency of using pseudofactors of religious identity, unity and continuity of historical development of Russians and Ukrainians in advancing ideas of the concept of “russkiy mir” is substantiated. The directions, tasks and content of the ideological, political and religious influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the public consciousness of the Ukrainian population are revealed. The Kremlin's ideologists' paradigm of long-term information-propaganda policy in leveling the statehood of the Ukrainian people is illustrated. The basic ways of conducting the ROC of informational and propagandistic activity on the territory of Ukraine are highlighted. The purposeful activity of intensifying interreligious controversy in Ukraine through the destructive criticism of Christian confession which support the patriotic and European integration aspirations of Ukrainians by the ROC has been shown. The ROCs attempt to avoid public discussion of the Crimean capture and the active participation of Russian mercenaries and special forces in sabotage actions in the East of Ukraine is indicated. The assessment of the threats of propaganda of the Russian Orthodox Church in cooperation with the UOC-MP in the manipulation of public consciousness and the spread of separatist sentiment is given.</p> P. Konovalchuk ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 THE CONSOLIDATION POTENTIAL OF THE UKRAINIAN NATION <p><strong>The purpose</strong> of the article is to analyze the phenomenon and the possibilities of consolidation of the Ukrainian nation for the sake of rallying around solving urgent problems and effectively responding to the challenges of history. It is obvious that consolidation is the central factor of the effectiveness of any social action, requiring collective intelligence and collective aspiration, not to mention a&nbsp;strategic goal, the achievement of which is impossible without activating this phenomenon. Consolidation of society can be strong and weak, organized and spontaneous, long-term and temporary, nationwide and regional, and constructive or destructive (radical). Constructive consolidation can be understood primarily as the unity of society based on common values and a&nbsp;common goal. In modern conditions, the main aim of consolidating Ukrainian society is to unite the efforts of all the citizens to rebuff Russian aggression, protect the sovereignty and independence of the state, to integrate Ukraine into European and Euro-Atlantic structures, and achieve a decent human well-being for all Ukrainian citizens. Modern Ukrainian society has a significant consolidation potential despite the ambivalence of aspirations of political elites, the differentiation of society not only by economic status, but also by ideological, geopolitical and value orientations, priority for many citizens of regional identity over national identity, a&nbsp;low level of people’s trust in government, economic and legal institutions, linguistic and cultural contradictions, and the like. The potential of consolidation of the Ukrainian society has three main contexts: identification, state, person-centered. The identification context of consolidation reveals primarily as a positive attitude towards its nation-state, rejection of the idea of federalization of the country and the practices of regional separatism, which was particularly active in Ukraine in late&nbsp;2013 and early&nbsp;2014. In the years that have passed since the Revolution of Dignity and the start of the undeclared war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the consolidation processes in Ukrainian society led to a radical strengthening of Ukrainian national identity. In recent years, the level of patriotism in the country has significantly increased, and the support of the European course of the state has increased too. Pro-Western and pro-Ukrainian vectors are now uniquely dominant in Ukrainian society. At the same time, the potential for the formation of Ukrainian identity has not yet been exhausted.</p> <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> M. Stepyko ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL IDENTITY AS A COMPLEX EUROPEAN CULTURAL SPACE: OPPORTUNITIES OF CO-PRODUCTION <p><strong>The article</strong> considers the actual trends of the development of the national film industry both in the context of its European integration and in the context of developing effective instruments for neutralizing the hostile influence of the Russia on identification processes in Ukraine. An analysis of the threats and opportunities of co-production of the Ukrainian side on the part of cooperation with the Russian Federation and with European funds for joint cinematographic production has been analyzed. The necessity of separating the Ukrainian film market from Russian in favor of integration into European cultural space by substantiating Ukraine's full participation in European Common Cinematographic Production Fund (EURIMAGES) and the MEDIA Creative Europe program are substantiated. Despite the positive developments in the domestic film industry, the growth of cinema production and budget financing, the industry remains unprofitable and does not meet the needs of the national and euro integration processes in Ukraine. There is an urgent need of the Ukrainian film industry to enter the European film market, in the form of coproduction, first of all. The article draws attention to the bureaucratic delay of the Ukrainian side in implementing the necessary measures (legislative in the first place) regarding full participation in the programs of the joint European film production. It is noted that the development of European co-production will promote access to alternative sources of financing for domestic film production, as well as the possibility of access to the European film distribution market, which will have a positive impact on its economic profitability. At the same time, the involvement of the Ukrainian side in the programs of popularization of European cinematographic products will contribute to the further development of national identity in Ukrainian society as part of the European cultural space.</p> V. Bakalchuk ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF NON-PERSONAL VOTING IN THE VERKHOVNA RADA OF UKRAINE <p><strong>The author</strong> looks at the challenges that will arise before the President of Ukraine and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine after the precedent decisions of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, adopted in February&nbsp;2018. The author analyzes the previous judicial and parliamentary practice of responding to cases of non-personal voting by people's deputies of Ukraine and assesses the risks for the legislative process from the constitutional legal and political points of view. It is noted that with the approach of the next presidential and parliamentary elections in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the orientation of both deputy factions and groups and individual deputies to the position of competing candidates for the post of President of Ukraine and heads of future party lists will deepen. All this will lead to even greater problems with the search for votes for parliament to make even politically neutral decisions. It will also testify to the existence of a minority coalition that cannot pass bills introduced by the President and the coalition government. Against this background, the probability of using the cards of the absent deputies of Ukraine will increase. Attention is drawn to the fact that the pro-government deputies regularly violate the requirements of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine regarding personal voting and the lack of response from the Committee on Regulations and the organization of work of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the President of Ukraine as a guarantor of compliance with the Constitution of Ukraine Western partners, international donor organizations and society, the failure of the current government to ensure the rule of law. The author proposes ways to improve the Constitution of Ukraine, the&nbsp;Criminal Code of Ukraine and the Regulations of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in terms of preventing the deputies of Ukraine from violating the requirements of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine regarding personal voting and establishing responsibility in case of their violation. The propositions were made based on the analysis of the relevant legislation of Ukraine, the relevant decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and the European Court of Human Rights.</p> A. Danylіak ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 POLITICAL PROCESSES IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN IN THE CONTEXT OF “THE POWER TRANSIT” <p><strong>The article</strong> deals with the aspects of the internal political situation in Kazakhstan in the context of the future transformations of the political system, caused by the beginning of the process, known as "the power transit". The main tendencies of this political process are analyzed, its economic, humanitarian and foreign policy components are considered. The prospects and risks that will accompany systemic transformations in a country that claims to be a leader in the Central Asian region are assessed. Therefore, the effects of these changes will have a direct impact on regional stability and security, and certainly have an impact on the international context. It is determined that the main precondition for the beginning of "the power transit" initiated by the president of the Republic of Kazakhstan is the guarantee of security for the ruling political elite. At the same time, their ambition to provide the internal political stability at any price has caused the decline of the civic activities. The aim of self-preservation for the ruling elite contradicts the attempts to modernize the economy and public life of Kazakhstan. The main innovations in the humanitarian policy of President Nursultan Nazarbayev are considered, in particular, the turning point in the Latinization of the Kazakh alphabet. The main directions of the foreign policy are outlined, in particular the international initiatives of the Kazakhstan leader, aimed to balancing the dominance of Russia and the growing influence of the PRC in the region of Central Asia. The article examines the important steps for Ukraine in providing the proper level of the bilateral relations with the Republic of Kazakhstan in the conditions of the aggressive policy of the Russian Federation, the main risks and challenges are identified taking into account the membership of Kazakhstan in the integration structures, that are called for preserving the geopolitical influence of the Russian Federation.</p> <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> V. Orlyk ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200 MODERN CHALLENGES FOR SPECIAL EXPORTERS OF UKRAINE IN WITHIN MILITARY AND TECHNICAL COOPERATION ON THE ARMS MARKET <p><strong>The authors</strong> analyzed main tendencies and directions of current Ukrainian export/import policy of weapons and military equipment under conditions of foreign competitors’ interaction on the world armaments market within the period of 2016–2018. The current issues and possible political and economic risks of military and technical cooperation of Ukraine are determined in the article. After monitoring specialized, social and political editions of foreign countries covering the subject of weapons transfer and military technology, the distinctive features of special measures of influence on the world market of armament were revealed with use of global and regional mass media. The documented arguments are based on the Russian Federation’s unjustifiable accusations of Ukraine on the illegal supply of armaments and military equipment on international market, in particular, rocket technologies to&nbsp;North Korea. It was proved that there were discredit mass media campaigns in the global and regional media around Ukraine's military and technical cooperation since 2014, mostly inspired by state institutions of the Russian Federation. At present, their main goal is not only a competitive struggle between special exporters on the market of military and dual use of goods, but above all political pressure on top state leadership of Ukraine's partner countries at international arena. The necessity of development of the system of strategic communications of Ukraine taking into account image risks in the sphere of military-technical cooperation is substantiated, and it is emphasized on the necessity of preventive communicative strategies in the arms market as a means of counteracting special measures of influence from competitors. Based on the analysis of examples of contracts, we determined the features of special measures of influence against Ukraine as a method of unfair competition in the arms market.</p> V. Begma, K. Rubel, D. Plilip ##submission.copyrightStatement## Thu, 28 Mar 2019 00:00:00 +0200