Strategic Panorama Published by the National Institute for Strategic Studies the Strategic Panorama is an academic specialized publication in political sciences The National Institute for Strategic Studies en-US Strategic Panorama 2616-9460 PROBLEMS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF UKRAINE <p><strong>The article</strong> explores the development of methodological principles in the field of strategic planning and management and the development of planning documents in the field of national security, taking into account the peculiarities of the current stage of global development, the variability of the security environment.</p> <p>The purpose of this article is to identify problematic issues in the field of national security planning in Ukraine and ways to improve the process of development and implementation of the National Security Strategy, taking into account the best world practices. The research is based on the analysis of publications by domestic and foreign researchers in the field of strategic planning, appropriate legal acts of Ukraine, as well as the author's experience gained from her involving in development of draft strategic documents of the state.</p> <p>This article is focusing on solving the following scientific and practical problems: identification of the main trends in the development of methodological framework of strategic planning in the field of national security; identification of problems in the field of strategic planning in the field of national security of Ukraine; identification of scientifically substantiated ways to improve the process of strategic planning in the field of national security in Ukraine, taking into account the best international practices.</p> <p>The main research methods are empirical (in particular, observations, descriptions, comparisons) and general scientific (primarily, analysis, synthesis, generalization, explanation, historical and logical methods, etc.).</p> <p>The main results of the study are, in particular, the following:</p> <p>It is determined that in accordance to the best world practices the development of national security strategies take into account the principles of national resilience and the wide expert involvement in the process of preparation of such a document is recommended. The growing role of strategic management and the need to ensure national resilience characterize current trends in the development of methodological framework of strategic planning in the field of national security.</p> <p>It is emphasized that the very fact that the state has a national security strategy based on the scientific ground is not a guarantee of achieving certain goals and results in practice. Therefore, the process of implementation of such a document should be under constant control by the public authorities.</p> <p>The new cycle of planning has been starting after the adoption in 2020 of the new National Security Strategy of Ukraine. The analysis conducted by the author revealed a number of problematic issues, the solution of which requires, in particular, the amendment to the Law of Ukraine "On National Security of Ukraine" in terms of strategic planning. The fundamental differences and innovations of the current National Security Strategy of Ukraine in comparison with its previous editions are determined.</p> <p>It is emphasized that lessons from the experience of implementing strategic planning documents in the field of national security should be learned in Ukraine. It is determined that the low level of implementation of previous national security strategies of Ukraine was caused by the declarative nature of some of their norms, lack and formality of control over the implementation of such documents, lack of reporting procedures, indicators and criteria for evaluating the results, including for their compliance with certain objectives.</p> <p>The lack of attention to the analysis of the security situation in appropriate field, risk assessment, forecasting, threat identification and vulnerability detection are identified as some of the most significant problems during the preparation of strategic planning documents in the field of national security.</p> <p>Based on the results of the study, recommendations for the state authorities of Ukraine were prepared.</p> Olga Reznikova ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 5 13 STRATEGIC CULTURE AS A NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY DETERMINANT: UKRAINE’S STRATEGIC CULTURE KEY CHARACTERISICS <p><strong>The аrticle</strong> аddresses the essentiаl meаning of the strаtegic culture аs а phenomenon аnd its importаnce for nаtionаl security policy-mаking. Аcаdemic literаture аnаlysis hаs аllowed to offer аuthor’s definition of multidimensionаl “strаtegic culture” term аnd to give аn outline of key factors to influence the nаtionаl strаtegic culture development. Strategic culture thus is viewed as a nucleus of strategic thinking underlying the state strategic planning which enables integral national security policy-making.</p> <p>The аrticle provides with аn аttempt to elucidаte the key chаrаcteristics of Ukrаine’s strаtegic culture, considering phylogenetic development of the Ukrаiniаn mindset in view of the key territorial and geographic, historical, civilizational factors that influenced the evolution of the Ukrainian national identity and statehood. Apart from that, the article also highlights the chаllenges аnd hindrаnces for further development of Ukrаiniаn strаtegic culture.</p> <p>The emphasis is placed on the fact that the lack of monolithic strategic culture is one of the main reasons for unbalanced foreign policy of Ukraine, which in its turn poses a serious threat for state’s national security.</p> <p>Special attention is paid to the analysis of the political elite’s role, as a national strategic culture carrier, in the processes of strategic culture forming and developing. The key features of the Ukrainian elite and their influence on political and strategic culture of Ukraine are defined.</p> <p>Revolution of Dignity and Russian Federation’s armed aggression against Ukraine are identified as catalysts of the integral strategic culture of Ukraine formation inasmuch as these events enhanced the processes of reformatting the national identity and renewing the system of values.</p> <p>The outcomes of the research focuses attention on the need of developing by the Ukrainian political elite the strategy of Ukraine’s strategic culture development in order to form a balanced and consistent national security policy.</p> Alina Hrytsenko ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 14 20 THE ROLE OF NON-GOVERNMENTAL INSTITUTIONS IN STRENGTHENING THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE SECTOR OF THE STATE <p><strong>The article</strong> considers the problems of special and intelligence services, defines the role of civil society in expanding the intelligence community of Ukraine.</p> <p>Examples of advanced countries’ best foreign practices in the engagement of NGOs in national security problems solutions are given. Essential for our State national security priority tasks have been identified. These include: "rebooting" the security sector, strengthening mutual trust, promoting democratic institutions, and building an active civil society.</p> <p>Areas and ways of non-governmental institutions and public organizations' involvement in the implementation of special tasks to achieve the necessary synergy and strengthen national resilience are identified. Such main areas could include, in particular: drafting recommendations to improve state policy in the areas of national security, the protection of citizens' rights and freedoms, the constitutional order; conducting public examination of the national security bills, drafting national security legislation, monitoring of relevant documents to increase the efficiency of their implementation and the responsibility of enforcers; collecting open sources information commissioned by intelligence and special services, preparing analytical studies and reports on specific issues on a contractual basis; participation in planning and conduct of certain special operations under the general direction and coordination of intelligence agencies and special services; development of basic science in the interests of security and defence of the country, conducting applied research, creating new technologies; preparation of proposals for the implementation of national security legislation; development of appropriate mechanisms and procedures for public control; respect for freedom of speech, constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens.</p> Yuriy Romanyuk Volodymyr Palyvoda ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 21 28 THE LANGUAGE QUESTION AS A FACTOR OF INFLUENCE ON UKRAINE’S NATIONAL SECURITY <p><strong>The purpose of the article</strong> is to analyze the linguistic situation in Ukraine and to discuss its relation to Ukrainian statehood. The current language situation mirrors the socio-political situation in Ukraine and interrelates with language legislation as practiced by Ukrainian institutions of state power. As of today, language legislation is one of the most powerful tools to strengthen the state and increase national stability.</p> <p>In Ukraine language was, is and continues to be a cornerstone of national unity and national security. At present, the Ukrainian language is widely believed to be essential for the persistence of the Ukrainian ethnos. It is an important tool for the consolidation of Ukrainian collective consciousness and the spiritual unity of society. Ukrainian society, which is faced with a number of serious problems, needs a revision of its state-building strategy for the sake of national security. A consolidation of Ukrainian society and a clear national idea is key for a prosperous future of Ukraine. The ethnos is the power of the nation. There is no state without a nation. Language plays a significant role for the conservation of the ethnic identity of a nation and its organization in a state. Namely, the civic society of a state has common interests, values, ideas, emotions etc., which are shared in the process of societal communication based on symbolic messages. These symbolic messages have to be codified in a state language, because, according to Wilhelm von&nbsp;Humboldt, language is the expression of the spirit of a people. Language reflects the level of the power of spiritual energy for the consolidation of national strength. All state mechanisms (the governmental apparatus, administrative and financial institutions) should guarantee the effective functioning of the Ukrainian state language in all spheres of societal life of Ukraine. As far as minority languages are concerned, the state can only guarantee their free development and their protection from suppression, but is not obliged to take on maximum obligations.</p> <p>In this study we discuss how linguistic and legal problems interrelate with basic human rights and freedom and how a consolidated language policy serves the national interests of Ukrainian society. The experience of the last decades, namely the period of Russian aggression against Ukraine, shows how different political forces use language legislation, e.g., the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, with manipulative intentions. National identity is constructed by such crucial parameters as language, historical experience and faith. According to current surveys, the majority of Ukrainians share distinctly pro-European views, although modern Ukrainian society is still shaken by disinformation and fake news. We offer a list of proposals that will help to consolidate national security in Ukraine.</p> Maiia Moser ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 29 41 HYBRID WAR: RUSSIAN DOCTRINE AND LESSONS FROM RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR <p><strong>The article</strong> is devoted to the consideration of the concept of "hybrid war", which is widespread in recent years, and currently has different interpretations. The characteristics of the phenomenon of hybrid warfare, which are operated by research, expert and leading military centers of the Russian Federation, which influence the decision-making or directly participate in them, are highlighted. It also presents conclusions that follow from the observation of Russian activities in Еastern Ukraine and points to the potential risks arising from such activities in the future. The article presents the most popular definitions of the phenomenon of hybrid war, appearing in Polish and American literature. It also takes into account the studies of Ukrainian authors dealing with this subject: in this case, directly related to the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine that has been ongoing since 2014. In this context, the definitions of the concept of hybrid war described in the text in terms of the official military institutions of the Russian Federation: the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation and the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, are also of particular importance. This approach, present in Russian definitions and approach, had a practical dimension in connection with the Russian armed aggression in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine, from 2014 until now. It describes the full set of actions and measures that the Russian Federation uses as part of hybrid operations and which (what can be assumed with high probability) will continue to be used in the future in relation to Ukraine and other countries that are or will be objects of Russian aggressive policy and actions. This problem is significant not only for Ukraine, but also for other countries in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, especially the so-called "NATO's eastern flank".</p> Dariusz Materniak ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 42 47 LEGITIMATION OF AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE IN RUSSIAN OFFICIAL DISCOURSE <p><strong>The article</strong> examines some aspects of the political legitimization of illegal actions in international relations through the Kremlin's official discourse aiming to justify aggression against Ukraine. To "normalize" its actions in the international arena, Russian authorities organize large-scale and well-coordinated information campaigns, which, combined with diplomatic and economic pressure and other non-military measures, threaten to destabilize the global security. Enjoying virtually total control over the media within Russia and a using a number of powerful international media tools, Russia's political elites are trying to create an alternative political discursive reality to convince different target audiences of the "rationality" of their actions and influence their behavior accordingly. These measures constitute an integral part of Moscow's official discoursewith main goal to restore Soviet era geopolitical power and achieve strategic balance in the civilizational confrontation with the West. The article provides a brief theoretical analysis of the concepts of "legitimacy" and "discourse" in the context of international relations and causalities between Russia’s attempts to legitimize aggression against Ukraine and the Kremlin's perceptions of identity, historical memory and foreign policy. Based on the analysis of the existing scientific literature in the field of legitimation of political actions in the international arena, following categorization of legitimation strategies used by the Russian Federation in official discourse to justify annexation of Crimea and armed aggression in Donbass is proposed: 1)&nbsp;legitimation through reference to customs, laws and traditions; 2)&nbsp;legitimation by appealing to altruism and a certain system of moral and humanitarian values; 3)&nbsp;legitimation through rationalization, theorizing; 4)&nbsp;legitimation through emotions and a hypothetical future. The use of Kremlin discursive practices and legitimation strategies is illustrated by analyzing the text and talk of Vladimir Putin and other leaders of Russian political elite.</p> Demian Shevko ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 48 57 RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION AND PROPAGANDA IN THE POLISH INFOSPHERE – CONTEXT OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC <p><strong>The publication</strong> addresses the issue of stimulation through private media companies and foreign entities of anxiety and social tensions on the wave of the Covid19 pandemic. The publication presents the process of influence of environments permanently involved in the process of disinformation, in activities serving to intensify social polarization and the effects of the crisis as a result of activity in the Internet space. An important element of the publication is to indicate the relationship between the described centers of influence spreading harmful content and their participation in the popularization of content convergent with the messages of Russian disinformation centers. The presented material is based on the analysis of content posted by portals identified as permanently involved in the process of popularization of Russian disinformation narratives. The aim of the article is to show the threat to social order resulting from the activities of unrestricted alternative portals influencing, among other things, social networks. The activity of the indicated environments, which seem to be partially copying the Russian information agenda, is shown as an element of activities destabilizing the modern country and society. The paper lists the specific aspects influenced by these environments, and emphasises the connection between these aspects and the goals of Kremlin policy (specific narratives and the goals they are supposed to pursue are indicated). Portals and examples of publications are also listed. The analysis aims to identify the threat to contemporary European society posed by the lack of adequate country control over the Internet (especially social networks)&nbsp;– this issue is examined in the context of attempts to exploit this condition by an external factor for hostile activity.</p> Michał Marek ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 58 63 EXPERIENCE OF BALKAN COUNTRIES ON TERRITORY INTEGRATION <p><strong>The article </strong>analyzes the experience of the Balkan countries in de-occupation and reintegration of territories. Cases of conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in 1993–2019, North Macedonia since 2019) are being studied. The analysis is based on a study of all stages of conflict resolution.</p> <p>The article examines the sequence of key aspects of the settlement. Consideration of all stages of armed conflicts in the Balkan region has shown that international peace-keeping missions, with military and civilian components, play a significant role. The participation of various international organizations (UN, NATO, EU) and countries (USA) and in resolving those conflicts and further integration also had a decisive influence.</p> <p>The reintegration processes in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia were based on peace agreements, as well as the full restoration of border and territory controlling. The next stage was to ensure demilitarization and disarmament. The fully fledged process of integration also included law enforcement reform, election preparation and conduct. The issues of post-war justice, punishment for war crimes and mass human rights violations were among the top priorities. In the implementation of all these reintegration measures, international organizations were involved, which actively provided assistance and performed a monitoring function.</p> <p>Among the necessary conditions for de-occupation and peaceful reintegration are the following: consolidation and consistency of the positions of the political and military leadership, the presence of a powerful army, implementation of sanctions, economic and military-political pressure on the aggressor side, demilitarization and control of the territory, justice and amnesty with fixed frameworks.</p> <p>The prospect of further research is that valuable experience with conflict resolution settlement and reintegration contains effective mechanisms that can be adapted in the case of Ukraine.</p> Ganna Palii ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 64 73 LANGUAGE POLICY IN BELARUS AND KAZAKHSTAN (COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS FOR UKRAINE) <p><strong>The article</strong> analyzes the background and outcomes of the introduction of official bilingualism in Belarus and Kazakhstan. This topic is quite relevant to Ukraine given that specific political forces repeatedly attempted to give Russian language state or official status at least at the regional level. The choice of the subject is determined by the fact that Belarus and Kazakhstan as well as Ukraine were the most Russified republics of the former Soviet Union had similar language problems after they declared independence.</p> <p>Based on the analysis of official documents, sociological and statistical data, it was revealed that the introduction of bilingualism in Belarus and Kazakhstan had different scope, goals and outcomes. In Belarus, state bilingualism, as a continuation of Soviet Russification, led to the marginalization of the Belarusian language and the practical deprivation of the titular nation of an important component of its identity. In Kazakhstan, the policy of official bilingualism provided for the expansion of the use of the Kazakh language in all areas. However, since the free use of Russian is a statutory right, the promotion of the Kazakh language was limited mainly to ethnic Kazakhs and other turk ethnic groups, almost without affecting Russians and other minorities, among whom the level of knowledge and use of Kazakh is extremely low. Nowadays, official bilingualism is becoming an obvious obstacle to building a Kazakh political nation. These examples show that the policy of official bilingualism in countries burdened by the legacy of Russification poses risks to national security. Thus, we can conclude that the changes to the Ukrainian legislation aimed at ensuring the functioning of the Ukrainian language as the state language, overcoming the consequences of the Russification of the Ukrainian cultural and information space, were adopted on time.</p> Oleksandr Lytvynenko ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 74 85 FISCAL SECURITY OF THE STATE: CONCEPTUAL BASIS FOR A NEW DIRECTION IN ECOSESTATE <p><strong>The article</strong> presents conceptual basis and outlines for a new direction in the ecosestate&nbsp;– fiscal security of the state. A range of vital conceptual problems have been addressed in the article, including defining the concept of the fiscal security, defining key terms, identification of status of fiscal security as scientific discipline in the ecosestate and distinguishing its institutional boundaries.</p> <p>The author emphasises, that problems and dysfunctions of the public finance system can create dangerous threats to the economic security of the state. They undermine the stability and effectiveness of basic economic institutions, weaken the country's economic sovereignty as well as reduce financial resources for its development. The author provides update of basic definitions and introduces new ones to outline concept of the fiscal security. According to presented approach “fiscal security of the state” reflects a performance of the public finance system that enable government to carry out its functions and tasks effectively as well as to resist external and internal threats to the economic and social stability in the state.</p> <p>Some provisions of the theory of economic security of the state have been revised, according to which fiscal security is being considered as part of the country's financial security. The author justifies the thesis, that public finance system itself is one of the crucial factors of the economic security of the state, therefore fiscal security should be considered as an autonomous component of the economic security of the state.</p> <p>Based on the considerations outlined in the article two separate components of the economic security of the state are proposed to be distinguished&nbsp;– financial security and fiscal security. An internal structure of each component is introduced as well in the article, which allows to define their institutional borders.</p> Aleksy Moldowan ##submission.copyrightStatement## 2020-12-15 2020-12-15 1-2 86 96